India after gandhi book pdf

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Large chunks of Strachey's book are taken up by an administrative history of primer for those who might work in India after coming down from. Share this post to the needy aspirants. India After Gandhi by Ramachandra Guha Click here to Download · For Other E Books Click Here Can you add 'physical geography' by savindra singh pdf? Reply. Swamy Vivekananda says. We understand your need, so we come with more and more Books and Magazines in PDF for you. Today, we are here with India After Gandhi.

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India After Gandhi Book Pdf

India After Gandhi - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf) or view presentation slides online. INDIA AFTER Free E Book IAS Planner INDIA. AFTER GANDHI The History of the World's Largest Democracy RAMACHANDRA GUHA PAN BOOKS. For Ira, Sasha and Suja: lights on my coast. [PDF] India After Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy By Ramachandra Guha Book Free Download. By.

Older, pre- national communities, one imagines, occupied themselves with mythology. The secular nation, agog, rehearses its history, the very reasons and outcomes of its existence, to itself. What's common to both activities is the endless familiarity of the subject-matter to the audience. It's safe to assume that very few people in a group of devotees listening to, say, the Indian epic Ramayana being read out would not have heard it before. It's equally prudent to assume that almost all the Indian readers of Ramachandra Guha's capacious history of democratic India would be familiar with a great deal of the story. What is it, then, that gives myths and national histories their appeal? In mythic retelling, it is repetition itself, accompanied by improvisatory flourishes, that transfixes the audience by returning it to known terrain. Historical narrative, too, depends on familiarity enlivened by interpretative freshness and the surprise of new archival research; but there's also, at times, something else. Guha reminds us, more than once, that it's the historian's job to tell us what happened, and not spend too much time speculating on what might have. Yet it is precisely the possibility of what might have happened but didn't that gives an immediate but inexhaustible magic to some of the 20th century's most triumphal historical narratives. Both the American film-maker embarking on the new second world war movie and the Englishwoman wearing a poppy are thinking, yet again, of events that took place many years ago, but also, in some hidden but urgent way, of the world that might have come into existence had the other side won. Similarly, a "What if?

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Join With us. Today Updates. Statics and Dynamics By R. Hibbeler Book April Punmia, Ashok Kumar Jain, Arun April 8. April 7. Popular Files. Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Books by Language. India after Gandhi: EMBED for wordpress. Want more? Advanced embedding details, examples, and help! Publication date Publisher New York: Collection inlibrary ; printdisabled ; internetarchivebooks ; delawarecountydistrictlibrary ; china ; americana.

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Contributor Internet Archive. Language English. Includes bibliographical references p. This remarkable book tells the full story--the pain and the struggle, the humiliations and the glories--of the world's largest and least likely democracy. Social historian Guha writes of the protests and conflicts that have peppered the history of free India, but also of the factors and processes that have kept the country together and kept it democratic , defying numerous prophets of doom who believed that it would break up or come under autocratic rule.

A total of , phials of ink were used in the election. One official had walked for six days to attend the preparatory workshop organized by the district magistrate; another had ridden four days on a mule. They went back to their distant stations with sewn gunny sacks full of ballot boxes, ballots, party symbols and electoral lists. On election day, the photographer chose to watch proceedings at an obscure hill village named Bhuti.

Here the polling station was a school-house, which had only one door. Since the rules prescribed a different entry and exit, a window had been converted into a door, with improvised steps on either side to allow the elderly and ailing to hop out after voting. In his speech Nehru accepted that democracy was the best form of government, or self-government, but still wondered whether the quality of men who are selected by these modern democratic methods of adult franchise gradually deteriorates beacuase of lack of thinking and the noise of propaganda..

He [the voter] reacts to sound and to the din, he reacts to repitition and he produces either a dictator or a dumb politician who is insensitive. Such a politician can stand all the din in the world and still remain standing on his two feet and, therefore, he gets selected in the end because the others have collapsed because of the din. This was a rare confession, based no doubt on his recent experiences on the road. He could see the imperfections of the process wven while being committed to it.

It has been said, time and again, that a poor, diverse and divided country cannot sustain the practice of reasonably free and fair elections.

The Sikhs may try to set up a separate regime The Punjabi is as different from a Madrassi as a Scot is from an Italian. The British tried to consolidate it but achieved nothing permanent.

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No one can make a nation out of a continent of many nations. Indians will soon vote in the fourth - and surely last - general election. Over the years, this has steadily increased; from the late s about three out of five eligible Indians have voted on election day. In assembly elections, the voting percentage has tended to be even higher.

When these numbers are disaggregated, they reveal a further deepening. In the first two general elections, less than 40 per cent of eligible women voted; by , the figure was in excess of 60 per cent. Besides, as surveys showed, they increasingly exercised their choice independently, that is, regardless of their husband's or father's views on the matter. Also voting in ever higher numbers were Dalits and tribals, the oppressed and marginalised sections of society.

In North India in particular, Dalits turned out in far greater numbers than high castes. As the political analyst Yogendra Yadav points out, "India is perhaps the only large democracy in the world today where the turnout of the lower orders is well above that of the most privileged groups.

Provincial prejudices, rivalries and jealousies are being revived on all sides and everyone seems anxious to separate from, rather than unite with, the others. The Assamese want this bit of land cut off from Bengal, the Bengalis want a slice of Bihar, the Telugus are discontented in Orissa, the Tamilian minority wants to cut itself off from Travancore Abbas, left-wing author, Jan [ Khwaja Ahmad Abbas[w] — , film director, screenwriter, and journalist.

Perhaps most famous in journalism for writing "The Last Page," the longest-running political column in India's history Born in Panipat, graduated from Aligarh Muslim University Wrote for New Delhi newspaper, the Aligarh Opinion. Served as a film critic for the Bombay Chronicle He wrote the scripts for Awaara, Shri , Dr. His autobiography titled - I am not an Island: An Experiment in Autobiography, was published in As early as the party had committed itself to the creation of linguistic provinces in a free India.

Notably these did not follow the admin divisions of Brit India. There may be an illusion of rht time being that different languages stand for different cultures, but there is also the possibility [that with the creation] of linguistic provinces it may disappear.

I am not unaware that a class of people have been saying that linguistic provinces are wrong. In my opinion, this class delights in creating obstacles" Although Nehru in wrote: Our great provincial languages are not dialects or vernaculars as the ignorant sometimes calls them.

They are a rich inheritance, each spoken by many million persons each tied up inextricably with the life and culture and ideas of the masses as well as of the upper classes The country had been divided on the basis of religion; would not dividing it further on the basis of lg merely encourage the breakup of the Union? Speech 3 months after indep: "disruptionist tendencies had come to the fore The exclusive spirit is ever uppermost.

No one thinks of the whole of India. Rajagopalachari: "Further fissiparous forces [had to be checked forthwith]". Everything which helps the growth of nationalism has to go forward and everything which throws obstacles in its way has to be rejected Also reported similarly: "Language is not only a binding force but also a separating one Every separatist and disruptive tendency should be rigorously discouraged.

Controlled the Sikh shrines, but also contested elections.

India After Gandhi (Ramachandra Guha).pdf

Tara Singh was born a Hindu in June This fact should not surprise since the first generation convert is often the most effective - not to say fundamentalist - of religious leaders. Came to be known as "Patthar" the rock, for his steadfastness as a defender in college soccer.

After he said it was in danger from the Hindus and the Congress. His rhetoric became more robust in the run-up to the general election of He inveighed against Hindu domination, and proclaimed that "for the sake of religion, for the sake of culture, for the sake of the Panth, and to keep high the flag of the Guru, the Sikhs have girded their loins to achieve independence. The Jat peasants wanted a Sikh province within India, not a sovereign nation.

They wanted to get rid of teh Hindu-dominated eastern Punjab, leaving a state where they would be in a comfortable majority. But by hinting at sessession Tara Singh put pressure on the govt and simultaneously convinced his flock of his own commmitment to the cause.

Not all Sikhs were behind TS however.

The low-caste Sikhs, who feared the Jats, were opposed to the Akali Dal. Some Jats had joined the Congress.

And in a tendetious move, many Punjabi-speaking Hindus returned Hindi as their mother tongues in the census. But the biggest blow to TW was the general election itself.

In the Punjab assembly, which has seats, the Akalis won a mere He had the blessings of Swami Sitaram a Congress politician turned swami who had himself gone on a hunger strike in the monsoon of Born in , Sriramalu studied sanitary engg, worked with the railways. In his wife died along with newly born child. Two years he resigned and joined the salt satyagraha, and spent some times at Gandhi's Sabarmati ashram. On he started a fast-unto-deathto deman the opening of all temples in Madras province to Untouchables, but Gandhi persuaded him to desist, in view of other issues related to the impending independence.

At the time Gandhi comented on him: "a solid worker, though a little eccentric. I am totally unmoved by this In the ensuing protests, damage on state property ran into millions. Several protesters died in police firings. Fazl Ali, jurist K. Pannikar, historian and civil servant H. Kunzru, social worker Commissioned travelled extensively collecting data, throughout Nehru was somewhat sympathetic. Oct SRC submits report. India: four states; N. India - no separate Sikh state. Bombay state to remain as it was, united with Gujarat.

A separate Marathi speaking regiou could be formed with the interior areas of Vidarbha, but no Bombay. Similarly demands for Andhra Pradesh to include Madras were rejected. Long drawn protests in Maharashtra and Bombay. The southernmost districts of Bombay were transferred to Mysore State. In , the state was split into the modern states of Maharashtra and Gujarat. The state was renamed Tamil Nadu in The state was renamed Karnataka in With the Cold War threatening to turn hot, what happened in Kerala was of worldwide interest.

But it also posed sharp questions for the future of Indian federalism. There had, in the past, been a handful of provincial ministries led by opposition parties or Congress dissidents. What New Delhi now faces was a different matter altogether; a state ruled by a party which was underground till the day before yesterday, which still professed a theoretical allegiance to armed revolution, and whose leaders and cadres were known to have sometimes taken their orders from Moscow. As a refugee from communism - by then settled comfortably in London - he found 'the Kerala affair' most intriguing.

And again, how is a Communist government itself to behave with democratic overlords sitting on its neck? VR Krishna Iyer is irrigation minister. In terms of the political theorist WH Morris-Jones, he represented the third of three idioms of Indian politics - the modern constitution, courts, press, etc , - the traditional religion, caste etc , and the third was the "saintly" - that which was deployed by Gandhi, and to some extent by Vinoba Bhabe.

Mannath's unimpeachable personal integrity, lent his opposition to the education bill a saintly aura. Group of 50K to converge on Trivandrum on Aug 9 ; groups started gathering 26 Jul. Govt was dismissed by Nehru Cong president was Indira after state governor pleaded w centre to intervene.

In subseq state elections, Congress won outright. Two commissions - headed by Chagla and Vivien Bose - both found the Govt prevaricating in its justifications.

Deep dent in image of congress ministry.

Review: India after Ghandi by Ramachandra Guha | Books | The Guardian

In April he described that country as 'an unscrupulous and savage enemy. The party drove on to Teen Murti House, where the prime minister was waiting to receive Abdullah. It was the first time the two men had seen one another since Nehru's government had locked up the Sheikh in August Now, as one eyewitness wrote, 'the two embraced each other warmly.

They were meeting after 11 years, but the way they greeted each other reflected no traces of embarrassment, let aside bitterness over what happened in the intervening period. The duo posed for the battery of press photographers before going inside.

This was the reconciliation between the leader of a nation and a man till recently regarded as a traitor to it. It anticipated, by some thirty years, the similarly portentous reconciliation between the South African president and his most notorious political prisoner. But even F. De Klerk did not go so far as to ask Nelson Mandela to stay with him. He was overwhelmed by what he found, namely, 'the prospect of overpopulation, underemployment, growing unrest'.

Visiting India shortly after Huxley, a reporter for the London Daily Mail thought that 'until now Nehru alone has been the unifYing, cohesive force behind India's Government and foreign policy'. But after he was gone, 'the powers of caste and religion, of Rightism and Leftism Austin was writing a thesis on the making of the Indian Constitution, and thus had a more than ordinary interest in what Nehru stood for.

He made his way to Teen Murti House, there to join an already large crowd of Indian mourners. As Austin wrote in his diary the next day, 'all wanted to go in, but they were prepared to wait'. The crowd stood, 'orderly and not noisy', as diplomats and ministers were ushered in by the prime minister's staff. Like the others, he had to disembark from his car and walk up the steeply sloping lawn that fronted the prime minister's residence.

Austin saw a weeping Mahmud given a helping hand by Jagjivan Ram, a senior Congress politician and Cabinet minister of low-caste origin. This was truly 'a scene symbolic of Nehru's India: a Muslim aided by an Untouchable coming to the home of a caste Hindu'.

Upper class dominance with Indian autonomy? In the winter of , the writer Aldous Huxley went on a long trip through British India. He attended the Kanpur session of the Indian National Congress and heard declamatory speeches asking for freedom.

India After Gandhi By Ramchandra Guha

Huxley had some sympathy with these aspirations, yet worried that they represented only the upper-caste Hindu interest. As he wrote in the book of his travels, That the lower-caste masses would suffer, at the beginning, in any case, from a return to Indian autonomy seems almost indubitable. Where the superiority of the upper castes to the lower is a matter of religious dogma, you can hardly expect the governing few to be particularly careful about the rights of the many.

It is even something of a heresy [for them] to have rights. Two decades later India became independent, and the constitution bestowed rights of equality on ail citizens, regardless of caste, creed, age or gender. The lower castes were in fact granted special rights, special access to schools and jobs, in compensation for the discrimination they had suffered down the centuries.

But, as a Scheduled Caste member of the Constituent Assembly pointed out, state law was one thing, social practice quite another. For the prejudices of caste had been opposed by reformers down the centuries, from Gautama Buddha to Mahatma Gandhi, yet they had all 'found it very difficult to get rid of this ghost of untouchability'. Laws had been enacted removing strictures against Untouchables, with regard to temple entry for example.

If at all the ghost of untouchability or the stigma of untouchability from India should go the minds of these crores and crores of Hindu folks should be changed and unless their hearts are changed, I do not hope, Sir, that untouchability will be removed. It is now up to the Hindu society not to observe untouchability in any shape or form. President's rule was imposed before fresh elections in early saw the CPM substantially increase its tally.

It won 80 seats; making it by far the biggest partner in a fresh alliance with the Bangla Congress and others. Where Ajoy Mukherjee and his Bangla Congress tried weakly to keep the machinery of state in place, the CPM was not above stoking street protest and even violence to further its aims. In factories in and around Calcutta, workers took to the practice of gherao - the mobbing of their managers to demand better wages and working conditions. He saw it as the handiwork of the CPM, whose ministerial portfolios included Land and Labour - where the trouble raged - and Home - where it could be controlled but wasn't.

So in protest against the protests that old Gandhian Ajoy Mukherjee Autumn of the Matriarch: Indira Gandhi - Emergency Indira: Democracy 'not only throws up the mediocre person but gives strength to the most vocal howsoever they may lack knowledge or understanding'. Sometimes I feel that even the parliamentary system has become moribund. Sometimes I wish we had had a real revolution - like France or Russia - at the time of independence.

With the emergency, with opposition MPs locked away, the 38th amendment 22 Jul 75 barred judicial review of the emergency. The 39th amendment, introduced two weeks later, stated that the election of the PM could not be challenged by the Supreme Court, but only by a body constituted by Parliament.

This came just before the Court was to try her election review petition, and the Court held there was now "no case to try". Some months later, the Supreme Court did the PM a greater favour still. Lawyers jailed under MISA argued for habeas corpus, but the SC ruled that detentions without trial was legal under the new dispensation; of the 5-member bench, only Justice H.

Khanna dissented: "detention without trial is an anathema to all those who love personal liberty".

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